Wednesday, 26 November 2014

Victorian Gothic Literature: The Supernatural

Although the Gothic era occurred far before that of the Victorians, with Gothic architecture thriving during the latter medieval period, it had a large influence on a lot of Victorian culture. Some may argue that the Gothic revival was at its height from the eighteenth century, with literature and architecture in the style of medieval Gothic dating back to the 1700s, however the Victorians were highly influenced in many cultural aspects: From architecture to literature the Gothic influence on Victorian England is still prevalent to this day. 
Royal Holloway University, London, built 19th Century.
The ideas of supernatural elements, although pre-existent to the Victorian period, seemed to gain a certain momentum with the rise of the ghost story and supernatural elements in fiction. Although Gothic literature, as a genre, had been increasingly popular from the mid-eighteenth century, the Victorian period saw a rise in a new genre of Gothic. The main elements of Gothic literature are the combination of both the horror and romance genre. 

Arguably one of the main figures in this rise of Victorian Gothic literature was the American writer, Edgar Allan Poe. Much of Poe’s writing and poetry depicts eerie, supernaturalistic scenes and elements. In his poem Ulalume the Gothic elements are clear; there is a certain supernatural quality to his description of the moonlight: “let us bathe in this crystalline light!” (Poe, 63). This eerie, translucent feeling of light gives the impression of something unreal, or supernatural. This is again brought into the poem with Poe’s references to the dead: “...but were stopped by the door of a tomb” (Poe, 64). The image of a tomb clearly provides an idea of death in the poem. Poe also describes the tomb as “legended” (Poe, 64), allowing it to seem mysterious. “Legended” is a form of the word ‘legend’, which could give reference to the original gothic period. 

Perhaps Poe’s most famous poem, The Raven. Ravens are a sign of ill-omen, usually considered to be a symbol of something supernatural. Poe clearly picks up on this idea in the poem: “”Said I, ‘thing of evil!-prophet still, if bird or devil!-’” (Poe, 52-53) Poe’s use of “evil” and “devil” clearly give the impression of something otherworldly and wicked. Even today the symbol of the raven is perhaps one of the most common affiliations with Poe as a writer. 
John Cusack as Poe in The Raven (2010)
This same Gothic influence is apparent in the works of the Bronte sisters. The Brontes were raised in Yorkshire, which as a result of this features heavily as the backdrop for many of their novels. In Emily Bronte’s Wuthering Heights the moors provide a place of eerie, yet somewhat peaceful, loneliness to the character of Heathcliff: “...only varied by solitary rambles on the moors...” (Bronte, 315). Heathcliff’s affiliation with the moors gives his character a sense of desolation and despair. 
Kaya Scodelario as Cathy
Wuthering Heights (2011)
The character of Catherine in the novel gives the presence of the unknown and mysterious. Catherine is first introduced in the novel, after her death, by means of writing in a wall: 
“The writing, however, was nothing but a name repeated in all kinds of characters, large and small - Catherine Earnshaw, here and there varied to Catherine Heathcliff, and then again to Catherine Linton.” (Bronte, 32)
This introduction to the character of Catherine gives an sinister, ghostly feel, as though something is not quite right. This sense of something being  is affirmed by the nightmare suffered by Lockwood, the narrator, slightly later in the chapter:
“My fingers closed on the fingers of a little, ice-cold hand! The intense horror of nightmare came over me...a most melancholy voice sobbed, ‘Let me in - let me in!’” (Bronte, 41)
Vanessa D. Dickerson suggests that, “The ghost story, in other words, offered far more license for the imagination that did more realist fiction” (Dickerson, 166). In Bronte’s novel the idea of this ghostly figure, which slightly later reveals itself to be Catherine, indicates that this nightmare is merely imagination. With Dickerson idea, by introducing the character of Catherine after her death, the reader is given license to envision who she was or even what happened to her.  


J. Sheridan Lefanu’s 1872 novella, Carmilla, is another example of Victorian Gothic literature. Lefanu, however, unlike both Poe and Bronte, deals very directly with the idea of supernatural happenings. Lefanu is very direct in descriptions of setting, playing heavily on a Gothic backdrop for the novella: “Its towers, and its Gothic chapel...and at the right a steep Gothic bridge...” (Lefanu, 6). It is disclosed to the reader fairly on after Carmilla’s arrival that something is not quite right: “Did you remark what an ill-looking pack of men the servants were?” (Lefanu, 32), which allows the reader to, almost immediately after meeting Carmilla, envisage a reason for the servants’ strangeness. It is evident to the reader, perhaps before it is to Laura, that Carmilla is a vampire; Laura remains somewhat unaware until she hears of the General’s niece, who suffered similarly to herself. Lefanu’s ending to the novella: “fancying I heard the light step of Carmilla...” (Lefanu, 161), leaves the ending open, as though the reader should not expect that Carmilla had disappeared, or died, for good. This completely allows the reader to envisage for themselves what has happened, whilst also giving the impression that Carmilla is something completely inhuman, which has the power to revive itself.
Carmilla Youtube Webseries Adaptation, 2014
Although it can be argued that the medieval Gothic period influenced a time before the Victorians, from around the 1700s, the evidence from Victorian literature, such as Poe’s writing and the Bronte sister’s novels, suggests that there was a clear influence from the Gothic period in Victorian Gothic or supernatural literature. Although literature such as Poe or the Bronte’s do not deal as directly with supernatural elements as writers like Lefanu, the influence of the Gothic is still clear, and something which is still drawn upon from the Victorian period today. 





Bibliography:

Bronte, Emily. Wuthering Heights. England. 1910. E-Book. 

Dickerson, Vannessa D. Victorian Ghosts in the Noontide: Women Writers and the Supernatural. Columbia: University of Missouri Press. 1996. 166. Web. http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/2934065

Lefanu, Sheridan, J. Carmilla. PG Distributed Proofreaders. 1872. E-Book. 

Poe, Edgar Allan. Edgar Allan Poe’s Complete Poetical Works. A. L. Burt Company. E-Book. 

Picture Resources:






Sunday, 23 November 2014

The Victorian Chef

The Victorian Chef
In this post, I would like to focus on Victorian chefs and how they present their cookbooks. The two chefs I will focus on are Charles Elmè Francatelli and Alexis Soyer. Soyer is more widely known for his art but Francatelli is less popular. Taught in France (to be clear Francatelli was not French), these chef’s were exposed to exquisite kitchens and worked under extravagant persons.  Exploring their cookbooks and personal upbringing, I found that their writing is a reflection of distinct relationships between rich upper class and working class peoples.
            Many working class people were uninformed to cooking properly, and in turn their meals lacked nutrition and variety. In turn, many renowned chefs began writing cookbooks that catered to them. Some even personally shared their methods with the poor, and suggested ways they could cook cost-effectively. Assuming poor families did not have much time to prepare meals, I believe families that used these cookbooks benefitted greatly. One particular chef was Charles Elmè Francatelli, born in 1805. Although he was an Englishman, he studied the art of cooking in France, and earned his diploma from the Parisian College. After returning to England, “In 1850, he then became chef at the Reform Club, taking over from Alexis Benoit Soyer, who had resigned in May of that year” (cooksinfo.com).
One of his renowned cookbooks, entitled “A Plain Cookery Book for the Working Classes”, was written in 1861and later reprinted by Pryor Publications in 1993. Francatelli truly enjoyed cooking, and wrote this cookbook to ensure that those who used it would make the best meal without using a wide variety of utensils, or spend a great deal of money. Although poor families would be saving their pound, it didn’t mean that the recipes he wrote were dull or bland—they ranged from simple everyday meals to more extravagant ones for holidays. Francatelli’s book provided an economical and practical way to boil different meats, make sauces, puddings, meat pies, tea, coffee, beer and breakfast foods. Some key ingredients for these dishes came from scraps, or the less popular cuts of the animal like bones or the heel of a cow to make soup. Here is a fine recipe that includes beef:
This is an economical dinner, especially where there are many mouths to feed. Buy a few pounds of either salt brisket, thick or thin flank, or buttock of beef; these pieces are always to be had at a low rate. Let us suppose you have bought a piece of salt beef for a Sunday's dinner, weighing about five pounds, at 6 1/2d. per pound, that would come to 2s. 8 1/2d.; two pounds of common flour, 4d., to be made into suet pudding or dumplings, and say 8 1/2d. for cabbages, parsnips, and potatoes; altogether 3s. 9d. This would produce a substantial dinner for ten persons in family, and would, moreover, as children do not require much meat when they have pudding, admit of there being enough left to help out the next day's dinner, with potatoes.

            His cookbook also contained recipes for meals in bulk, which was beneficial when the weather was harsh. He emphasized that his “excellent practice should become more generally adopted, especially during the winter, when their scanty means of subsistence but sufficiently yield them food in quantity to sustain the powers of life in a condition equal to their hard labour”. In publishing this cookbook, Francatelli showed that although he was very successful in his career, he still cared about the health and well-being of those who were not as fortunate as him.
            Looking closer into the vocabulary and tone of Francatelli’s, “A Plain Cookery Book for the Working Classes”, I found that Francatelli is genuine and not demeaning. Even on the first page, I could tell that he wrote the cookbook because he cared and not for recognition. He introduces his cookbook as a means to save families money, encouraging them to abide by his instructions because he knows it will be beneficial for them, “…strive to lay by a little of your weekly wages to purchase these things, that your families may be well fed, and your homes made comfortable.”(47). Francatelli also gives the impression that, although he is the knowledgeable on giving direction, these families will be able to do it on their own terms: “…you will all be able to test in your own homes” (47). There is an amount of respect that Francatelli has, dissimilar to the next chef to be discussed, Alexis Soyer.


Alexis Soyer was born February 4th, 1810 in France, Meaux-en Brie. Although it is rumored that his mother wanted him to join the church, he got caught up in the art of cooking under his older brother, Phillipe. One of his first major accomplishments was becoming chief cook at Boulevard des Italiens, one of the four grands boulevards, a place where upper class peoples would meet. Later in 1831, he accepted employment in the London Kitchen of the Duke of Cambridge (this is where his brother Phillipe worked) where he worked for a number of marvelous people, including: The Duke of Sutherland, the Marquis of Waterford and the Marquis of Ailsa at Isleworth. In 1837 he was graced with an appointment at the Reform Club in London, but later asked to leave: “Alexis hearing about the plight of the Irish peasants, during the potato famine of 1847, asked by Russell's government for help. The Reform Club granted him leave of absence. Alexis went to Dublin, Ireland, and set up the first properly designed soup kitchen” (soyer.co.uk). Although this may have seemed like a humble act of kindness, I was not sure of the authenticity of his actions.


Soyer claimed he was interested in learning about the ways and habits of the working class, and also that wanted to make himself useful by sharing his knowledge of cooking with them. He wrote Shilling Cookery for the People (1854), in which a series of letters written to a fictional character named ‘Eloise’. In one particular passage, Soyer is writing to Eloise about his experience attempting to teach a woman how to cook ox cheeks correctly. Before she was able to receive proper instruction, the woman had been overcooking the meat and wasting lots of ingredients. After a quick lesson from Soyer, though, the woman learned the correct way to cook and even shared the recipe with her neighbours. Looking closer into the dialogue, though, Soyer is condescending, and some phrases altered my view of his intention.
First, Soyer seems condescending through a strange way of describing snacks to be given to children: “when cold, may be cut into pieces, and given to children as food.”(35). My thought here was, what else would it be useful for? I find that Soyer is hinting that poor children are barbarous creatures, or animals. He is also condescending when he makes comments about the lack of quality of utensils and dishes in the poor woman’s home. When the meal was done cooking, he states, “serving cups into a beer jug, having nothing better, and, to her grat surprise, cut the cheek with a very bad knife”(35). These statements did not need to be said, and could have been left out—it is obvious that underprivileged people won’t own high quality utensils. It made me wonder if he was really writing these cookbooks for the poor or with the intention of amusing individuals of his rank.
            Second, it seems as if Soyer may have published this cookbook too feel good about himself, or for fame: “and what a high feeling of delight and satisfaction it will be to us, should we find out that the result of our labour is crowned with success”(34). Soyer’s tone of voice here seems unaware or neglectful of the plight of the poor. Also, even though he seems to want to immerse himself in the culture of the working class, he does not seem very deeply interested or to take them seriously, “I have made a point of visiting the cottages and abodes of the industrious classes generally”(33).

            The Barton Family in Mary Barton exemplifies a poor family unit that may not have needed the expertise of Francatelli or Soyer. In the second chapter, where the Barton family is to have guests over for tea, Mary is sent out for groceries. Mrs. Barton tells Mary to get eggs, a pound and a half of Cumberland ham, a pennyworth of milk, a loaf of bread and six penny of rum for the tea (ch.2). She gets it and proceeds to fry the eggs and ham for breakfast. The significance of this excerpt is that not all poor families needed guidance or handouts to live happy, full lives, “What an aspect of comfort did his houseplace present…” (ch.2)
            When comparing Soyer and Francatelli, they were both established chefs who worked at variety of kitchens in Europe. They took leave from their high positions to go and do service that benefitted the poor. Getting out of their comfort zones, though, may have brought out the bitter truth in Soyer’s view of the poor. In contrast, Francatelli doesn’t intrude or give light to the lack of luxury items in working class homes, or appear to condescend. On the bright side, though, any feeling each chef has towards the working class is irrelevant because of the positive i mpact they brought to many individuals with empty stomachs.

Bibliography:
Bloy, Marjie. "Alexis Soyer (1809--1858)." Alexis Soyer (1809--1858). Marjie Bloy, Ph. D., Senior Research Fellow, the Victorian Web, 22 Apr. 2002. Web. Nov. 2014.
"Charles Elmé Francatelli." Cooksinfo.com. N.p., 30 Dec. 2005. Web. Nov. 2014.
Evans, Dyfed L. "Celtnet Francatelli Recipes and Cookery, Home Page Read More at Celtnet: Http://www.celtnet.org.uk/recipes/francatelli.php Copyright © Celtnet." Celnet.org. Celnet, n.d. Web. Nov. 2014.
Ford, Frank C. "Alexis Benoist Soyer Soyer.co.uk." Alexis Benoist Soyer Soyer.co.uk. Frank Clementlor Ford, n.d. Web. Nov. 2014.
Francatelli, Charles Elmè. Whitstable: Pryor Publications, 1993. Print.
Shilling Cookery for the People. Whitstable: Pryor Publications, 1999. 33-37. Print.
Mary Barton. Project Gutenberg.Release Date: August 10, 1999 [eBook #2153]This revision released December 9, 2013. Web. Nov. 2014.


Saturday, 22 November 2014

Reframing the Victorians- The Mistress/ Fallen Woman

In the Victorian period society was very conservative with respect to sexuality and female purity was valued highly.  The emphasis on female purity was directly related to the primary goal for middle-class women: marriage. Women needed to present themselves as marriageable or suffer the consequences of being alienated by a society that valued women primarily for their marriageability. Women were expected to remain virgins until marriage and were expected to only have sex with their husband. Female sexual desire were seen as non-existent. Women who strayed from moral expectations became known as 'fallen women'. 

The fate of the 'fallen woman' is often depicted in many Victorian pieces of art and literature. For example in Richard Redgrave's 'The Outcast' (1851). 



Richard Regrave's 'The Outcast' (1851)





The painting by Richard Redgrave depicts a stern patriarch casting out a 'fallen woman' and her illegitimate baby. It is possible that they are related to the patriarch, perhaps his daughter and grandchild. Despite the visible snow and cold outside he seems to be gesturing angrily at her to leave his 'respectable' house. Another young woman, possibly another daughter kneels and begs the patriarch to relent whilst the mother of the family comforts a weeping son. On the floor there seems to be an incriminating letter. There is a biblical painting hanging on the wall, it is arguably a painting of Christ and the woman taken in Adultery. Redgrave's painting seems to be ambiguous, it is possible that it could be meant as a warning to other women to avoid a similar fate. However it could also be argued that it was intended to evoke empathy for the plight of the  fallen woman abandoned by her family and left out in the cold. The painting of Christ and the woman taken in Adultery certainly seems to embody forgiveness and it could be argued that through including this painting Redgrave seems to think that the 'fallen woman' should be forgiven as Christ forgave the adulterer.  

Such is the shame of being a 'fallen woman' in Victorian society that many women committed suicide to escape the ostracism and dishonour. This is depicted in George Frederic Watts' 'Found Drowned' painting (1850). 
'Found Drowned' by George Frederic Watts (1850)

Watts' 'Found Drowned' painting depicts the dead body of a woman  found washed up beneath the arch of the Waterloo Bridge with half of her body still immersed in the River Thames below. The title given to the painting refers to the legal term that was used in the 19th Century for a coroners inquest. The woman is very simply dressed which could indicate her wealth and status suggesting that she has very little money. The woman is also seen to be holding a heart-shaped locket which can be seen more clearly in the close-up below.

A close up of the image reveals the woman is holding a heart shaped locket.


The fact that she is holding a heart-shaped locket suggests that the reason for her death and suicide is attributed to a lover. Her position in death is also interesting, she is positioned with her arms outstretched which evokes the image of Christ on the cross. Her face seems to be illuminated despite her dark surroundings which draws attention to her serene expression that consequently implies she is peaceful in death. The woman in the painting represents a 'fallen woman' who was most probably ostracised and found her only solution in suicide. Unfortunately there were not many escapes for women of the time period who had 'disgraced' themselves and had become known as a 'fallen woman'. For this woman society left her no option but to commit suicide. 

Literature also depicts the fate of the 'fallen woman' and a very famous example of this is Thomas Hardy's Tess of the d'Urberville.
Eddie Redmayne (left) as Angel, Gemma Arterton as Tess (centre) and Hans Matheson (right) as Alec in the BBC adaptation of Hardy's novel.

The novel details the life and downfall of a young countrywoman called Tess Durbeyfield who is raped/seduced, falls pregnant and eventually dies.  Readers first meet Tess who is participating in the annual May-Day dance in the second chapter of Phase the First: The Maiden. The May-Day dance epitomises Tess' initial virtue and maidenhead, it also emphasises the importance of virginity and purity in the time period. The Victorians celebrated May-Day to welcome the arrival of spring as well as the general purity of the season. Hardy's construction of Tess is as the ultimate innocent which is emphasised through the title of the book, Tess of the d'Urbervilles: A Pure Woman. At the end of Phase the first Tess is raped/ seduced by Alec d'Urberville and this is seen when Hardy writes 'Why it was that upon this beautiful feminine tissue, sensitive as gossamer and practically blank as snow as yet, there should have been traced such as  a coarse pattern as it was doomed to receive.."( Hardy, pg.65).  Hardy describes Tess at her purest just as she is about to be raped and lose her virginity. Hardy's account of the rape/seduction is ambiguous probably because of the time period in which the novel was written. As stated above Victorians were very conservative where sexuality was concerned therefore writing a blatantly sexually explicit passage would have been seen as improper. Readers are not entirely sure of what has happened until Phase the Second: Maiden No More. The title of the second phase indicates without a shadow of doubt that Tess has lost her virginity and purity and as such is now known as a 'fallen woman'. Alec d'Urberville is well aware of how Tess will be perceived in society and offers her money and stability in exchange for her being his official mistress. Tess initially refuses, 'I should be your creature to go on doing that…" (pg.68). Hardy's use of the noun 'creature' is interesting as it suggests that should she become his mistress not only would she would be living in carnal sin but she would also be like an animal, distinct from a human being.
As a result of her encounter with Alec, Tess falls pregnant and gives birth to a baby who she names Sorrow. However, the child doesn't live long and eventually dies. Tess manages to baptise the child before he dies but Sorrow is denied a christian burial on account of his illegitimate birth. Instead he is laid to rest 'in that shabby corner of God's allotment where He lets the nettles grow and where all unbaptised infants, notorious drunkards, suicides and others of the conjecturally damned are laid'. (pg.86) As an innocent child who's only 'crime' was to be born, contemporary readers feel empathy for him due to his unfair treatment by the church and society. It could be argued that through his description of Sorrow's burial Hardy is being critical of the harsh treatment suffered by 'fallen women' and their illegitimate children. 

In Phase the third: The Rally readers are initially given an optimistic view of Tess' future when she finds happiness and love in Talbothays and eventually going on to marry Angel Clare, suggesting that despite her past trauma Tess can recover and rejoin society. However Tess and readers' hopes are dashed when Angel eventually finds out about her past encounter with Alec and rejects her as his wife despite her forgiving him for the same offence he committed in his youth. Through Angel's rejection of Tess Hardy illustrates the harsh double standard that existed in Victorian society. There are many instances in the novel where Hardy evokes empathy for Tess, the 'fallen woman' and seems to be critical of the society's treatment of her, however it could also be argued that he abides by the status quo that the 'fallen woman' will be ruined and cannot ever be forgiven for their sin when he eventually kills her off in Phase the seventh: The fulfilment. Hardy writes "It was a black flag. 'Justice' was done…" (pg. 350), the raising of the black flag signals Tess' death by hanging as a result of killing Alec d'Urberville. It is interesting that Hardy uses inverted commas when he writes that justice was done as it expresses irony suggesting that Tess's death was not justice at all. Ultimately Hardy seems to be critical of Victorian society's views on the fallen woman despite Tess' death at the end of the novel. Furthermore the full title of the novel is Tess of the d'Urbervilles: A Pure Woman thus ultimately presenting her as pure and innocent despite the fact that she is a 'fallen woman'. When the novel was first published in 1891 there was considerable controversy because of the fact that Hardy had named Tess as a 'pure' woman in the title. According to conventional Victorian morality no one who had engaged in pre-marital sex could be seen as 'pure'. Furthermore, Tess commits murder towards the end of the novel which further contradicted Hardy's presentation of her a 'pure' woman. With his subtitle Hardy suggests that there is far more to being pure than just whether or not someone has had sex outside of wedlock, in Tess' case her character and personality make her pure regardless of what society thinks of her.

Bibliography

Friday, 21 November 2014

"The Celtic Contagion": Victorian England's Antagonism Toward Irish Immigrants


They are Irish, all of them; Irish, every man, woman, and child. Glance down these narrow courts and filthy alleys that open upon you at every step, and again and again you recognise the race; "there abides he in his squalor and unreason, in his falsity and drunken violence, as the ready-made nucleus of degradation and disorder." Alas! that is should be so; that centuries of neglect - of wrong legislation - should have reduced a people capable of so much to so low an ebb as this; to be a plague-spot upon the garment of her more fortunate sister - a breeder of paupers for a land that has already far too many of her own. Let us take a group, - a fair sample of this unfortunate and improvident class. It is a family picture, and one that it pains the heart of the philanthropist to witness. The man who comes first, in his rough gray coat, and other garments of curious make, lounges slowly along, partly from fatigue, partly from habitual indolence; his hands deep sunk in his pockets, his eyes wide open with astonishment as he contemplates the (to him) wondrous sights around. His wife follows close on his heels; one child held in her arms she endeavours to shelter from the rain beneath her scanty shawl, while another is slung at her back, bending her nearly double with the burden. Three others cling about her garments, and partially running by her side, keep pace with her, as strong in a mother's love and hope, she tramps sturdily along. This is a family picture, as we said. But a few days ago, these parents, with their wild-looking children, were in Connaught, doing badly enough in all conscience, yet with a "chance" before them. They are now in London, with no chance at all; and but one hope - the workhouse.

—Watts Philips, The Wild Tribes of London, 1855.


Punch Magazine - John Leech Cartoon, 1845.
Caption reads: "'Rint' v Potatoes.- The Irish Jeremy Diddler.
'You haven't got such a thing as twelve-pence about you?
- A farthing a week - a penny a month - a Shilling a year?'"  
As in most cultures, outsiders permeating the ecosystem of another nation can cause upset, misinformation, and discrimination. In the early 19th century, England saw an influx of Irish immigration hitherto unparalleled in the country’s history. The Emerald Isle had befallen hard times, poverty and famine consuming almost the entire population—the cause of which is still debated to this day. As detailed in a chapter of The Million Peopled City, a contemporary account of London’s immigrant population, between 1841 and 1851, an estimated 1,289,133 Irish emigrated with 257,372 in the year 1851 alone (Garwood, 245).  Based on missionary statistics collected in 1851, it was determined that the Irish working class was “the largest class which exists among our teeming population. No other class at all approaches to it. The metropolis of England probably numbers more Irishmen among its inhabitants than the metropolis of Ireland itself. The Irish population of London equals the entire population of the three next largest towns of Ireland, viz., Cork, Belfast, and Limerick” (245-246). The effect of this perceived “takeover” led to speculation and commentary from academia and popular culture alike.  

Thomas Carlyle, one of the most important and influential thinkers and historians of the day, dedicated an entire chapter to the Irish in his political book Chartism—so titled, “The Finest Peasantry in the World.” He provides an interesting perspective on the Irish people, simultaneously blaming improper British rule for their poor condition, while also damning their race as inherently immoral, and therefore responsible for its own punishment by god (27-28).  He begins his argument by bringing up the New Poor-Law, which essentially instituted a policy that “whosoever will not work ought not to live” (24). The problem he presents is that a poor man who is willing to work may not always be able to find it, while “Legislation presupposes the answer—to be in the affirmative” (24). The tension created due to the lack of jobs could presumably be cause for ill feelings toward the Irish workforce, although his further comments remain questionable, to say the least.

Punch Magazine - John Leech, 1848. Caption reads:
"The British Lion and The Irish Monkey.
Monkey (Mr. Mitchell). 'One of us MUST be "Put Down."'"
He describes their presence in England as one of extreme nuisance. “Crowds of miserable Irish darken all our towns. The wild Milesian features, looking false ingenuity, restlessness, unreason, misery and mockery, salute you on all highways and byways” (29). He blankets their personalities in a similarly unfavorable light.

Immethodic, headlong, violent, mendecious: what can you make of the wretched Irishman? A people that knows not to speak the truth, and to act the truth, such people has departed from even the possibility of well-being. (27)

Carlyle’s analysis undoubtedly influenced the popular intellectual theories and attitudes to Irish immigrants, as is evidenced in further writings from later in the period.

But what of popular culture? For the masses of Victorian England, many would not have the skills or opportunities to justify their prejudices with Carlyle’s analysis. And yet, there was no shortage of discrimination, hatred, and mistreatment from the lower classes to the neighboring race. One way the illiterate or uneducated could consume their biases was in the visual form. Across the Victorian period and even longer into the twentieth century, a repertoire of racist imagery pervaded in visual media. Common tropes of Irish depictions include wild mobs, drunken and sloppy women, often engaging in immoral or disorderly behavior.

Thomas Rowlandson - "Wild Irish Paddy", 1818. Caption reads: "Wild Irish or Paddy from Cork, with the coat buttoned behind."
Punch Magazine -1882. Caption reads: "The Irish Frankenstein.
'The baneful and blood-stained Monster ***
 yet was it not my Master to the very extent
that it was my Creature? ***
Had I not breathed into it my own spirit?'
*** (Extract form the Works of C.S. P-RN-LL, M.P.)"
A notorious perpetrator of these visual, demeaning depictions came from Punch magazine. Beginning in 1841, the satirical, illustrated yearly edition often included political cartoons depicting the Irish character in an exaggerated, base light. Punch was known for representing both the popular and radical viewpoints of the day. These could change from issue to issue, but the consistent portrayal of the Irish race as even less than human did not. Irish racism was especially unique for the fact that the English discriminated against a group of people that visually looked no different from themselves. The physical attributes linked to an Irishman's perceived appearance were consequences of socio-economic circumstances (e.g. ragged or dirty), and not an actual variance in anatomy. As illustrated in many of the Punch cartoons, the Irishman is made a caricature with an ape-like appearance, which likely had more to do with attitudes on their “wild” demeanor as opposed to any actual simian resemblance.

The evidence of this impact on English lower classes can be seen in an excerpt from Richard Rowe’s contemporaneous novel Episodes in an Obscure Life. The narrator encounters Bessie, whose transcribed dialect illustrates her personal social status.

She was very much disappointed when she was told that the Great Fire after all had not been caused by Roman Catholics. 'They'd a done it, if they could, though,' she commentated. I can't abide them wild Hirish - they's so savage, an' they's so silly. There's Blue Anchor Court close by the Rents as is full a' Romans, an' they's al'ays a-pitchin' inter each hother wi'out knowin' what's it all about. Law, 'ow they do send the tongses an' pokers flyin' of a Saturday night! An' the women is wuss than the men, wi' their back hair a-'anging' down like a ass's tail. They'll tear the gownd hoff a woman's back, and shy bricks, an' a dozen on 'em will go in at one, hif he's a-fightin' wi' their pal an' is a-lickin' on 'im, or heven hif 'e ain't - an' the men's as bad for that. Yes, the Henglish fights, but they fights proper, two and two, an' they knows what they's fightin' for, an' they doesn't screech like them wild Hirish - they's wuss than the cats. No, it ain't horfen as Hirish hinter-feres wi' Henglish hif the Henglish doesn't worret 'em. Why should they? What call 'as sich as them to come hover 'ere to take the bread hout o' the mouth of them as 'as a right to 't?'  (16-17)



"Comic Almanack" - George Cruikshank, March 1838. 
Depicts a caricature of a St. Patrick's Day celebration. 

Aside from analyses and dissemination of information based on artistic or philosophical license, some published their conclusions of the impoverished Irish based on actual observation and experience. From this came both positive and negative evaluations, though the harshness of the negative reviews brings into question how much of the authors’ biases already existed upon visiting the slums they wrote on. Thomas Beames recounted his observation of Rookeries, the most abysmal living areas of London, and came away with nothing but contempt for the mass Irish population that inhabited it.

Punch Magazine - " Young Ireland in Business for Himself",1846.
Signs in cartoon read: "A large assortment of most
ilicant blunderbuss's the trade supplied"
& "Pretty little pistols for pretty little children"
Nine-tenths of the inhabitants are Irish; do we, then, set down to Irish nurture this amount of wretchedness and immorality? The Irish coming to London seem to regard it as a heathen city, and to give themselves up at once to a course of recklessness and crime. It would be difficult, with our free institutions, to stop these descents of Irish upon our great towns; … they bring their bad habits with them, and leave their virtues behind. The misery, filth, and crowded condition of an Irish cabin, is realised in St. Giles's. The purity of the female character, which is the boast of Irish historians, here, at least, is a fable. (37-38)

In a book of compiled letters called London Labour and the London Poor, Henry Mayhew offers a more balanced view. In 1850, he spent time collecting accounts of asylums for the houseless poor in central London. The Irish occupied a staggering number, more than one half of the total applicants for refuge. He noted the general attitude of his countrymen to that of the Irish immigrants.

I found among the English a general dislike of the Irish. In fact, next to a policeman, a genuine London costermonger hates an Irishman, considering him an intruder. Whether there be any traditional or hereditary ill-feeling between them, originating from a clannish feeling, I cannot ascertain. I am inclined to believe that the prejudice is modern, and has originated in the great inflex of Irishmen and women, intermixing, more especially during the last five years.

More telling is an excerpt in which he relays the words of an informant—a staff member of the Holborn Workhouse. The man, who came into everyday firsthand contact with destitute Irish, had much gentler and honest words to say of them than any account I have thus encountered.


"The Irish Girl" - Ford Madox Brown, 1860. 
A favorable and more accurate portrait of an Irish citizen.
The young women from Ireland - fine-looking young women - were often full of joke; but I never heard an indecent word from any of them, nor an oath, and I have no doubt, not in the least, that they were chaste and modest. The Irishmen behaved well among themselves; but the English cadgers were jealous of the Irish, and chaffed them, as spoiling their trade - that's the cadging fellows did. The Irish were quiet, poor things, but they were provoked to quarrel, and many a time I've had to turn the English rips out. The Irish were always very thankful for what they had, if it was only a morsel; the English cadger is never satisfied. Once, now and then, there was some suspicion about the Irish admitted that they had money, but that was never but in those that had families. It was taken from them and given back in the morning. They wouldn't have been admitted again if they had any amount. It was a kindness to take their money, or the English rascals would have robbed them. I'm an Englishman, but I speak the truth of my own countrymen, as I do of the Irish.

The Looking Glass Caricature Annual - Robert Seymour, 1830.
Depicts Irish arriving on boats in Liverpool from Dublin. 
Garwood himself spoke kindly of the Irish temperament. “I do think that a few rays of Irish imagination, a little more play of fancy, more exuberance of joyousness, and more brightness of hope, would greatly add to the happiness of our own poor” (257). He adds a quote of Dickens as well, who publicly noted “An Irishman must be gone to the bad entirely when he cannot smile, affords an illustration of Irish character which cannot but be admitted to be interesting and pleasing” (257).

From a modern standpoint, it is difficult to see the English’s racism for anything other than what it is—sheer and utter hatred toward a group of people that in reality bore no difference apart from religion and aspects of national culture. Though when one thinks of the dire circumstances, the sprawl of desperation and destitution that surely crowded every space of dirty, Victorian London, it is not as hard to see where people would want to find a party to blame. However, misinformation and bad circumstances have never been an excuse for prejudice, and never will be.




Bibliography

—Beames, Thomas. The Rookeries of London: Past, Present, and Prospective. London: Thomas Bosworth, 1852. 


—Carlyle, Thomas. Chartism. London: James Fraser, 1840.

—Garwood, John. The Million-Peopled City. London: Wertheim & Macintosh, 1853.

—Mayhew, Henry. London Labour and the London Poor. London: Griffin, Bohn, and Company, 1861.

—Philips, Watts.  The Wild Tribes of London. London: Ward and Lock, 1855.